In July of 1994, the leaders of 15 of the larger environmental groups sent a mass mailing to their joint membership about the sad state of the struggle to save the biosphere.
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We are responding to your "Dear Environmentalist" letter of
mid-July, which you sent to the combined membership of your
groups.
We would like very much to meet with you about the problems
you raised. We want to talk about something your letter did
not mention: the source of these problems.
Some of us are associated with national environmental
organizations, while others are actively engaged in
community struggles for environmental justice and democracy.
We are of diverse colors and backgrounds, live in different
regions, and include trade union and religious and electoral
activists, as well as survivors of industrial disasters, and
shareholder rights advocates.
In your letter, you wrote:
We know this is true. We also know that while such assaults
are under way in Congress, people in neighborhoods across
the country are suffering injuries to health and life --
from chemicals, radiation, incinerators, power plants, clear
cutting, highway building, disinvestment, and so forth. We
also know that dignified jobs doing socially-useful work at
fair pay are scarce and getting scarcer; that wages are
declining; that democracy is too often a delusion at local,
state and federal levels.
And we know that nature is under attack, that many species,
ecosystems and wilderness areas have been ravaged.
What prompts us to send this letter to you is our conviction
that you have not identified those subverting Congress as
our real adversaries in the struggle to save our communities
and the natural world: the leaders of today's giant
corporations, and the powerful corporations they direct.
We believe the Earth has never before faced such large-scale
devastations as are being inflicted by handfuls of
executives running the largest 1000 or so industrial,
financial, health, information, agricultural and other
corporations. And not since slavery was legal have the laws
of the land been used so shamelessly to violate the
democratic principles we hold dear.
This was not supposed to happen. It is true that the grand
ideals of the American Revolution have not yet been
fulfilled, and that many people are still struggling, to
gain the legal rights and constitutional protection for
which so many fought against tyrannical English monarchy.
But for several generations after the nation's founding, the
role of corporations in both government and society was
strictly limited by law and custom. A corporate charter was
considered a public trust. Corporations had no rights at
all except what the people chose to give them.
Ironically, however, corporations have achieved a level of
constitutional protection which many citizens still do not
enjoy. The leaders of giant corporations govern as monarchs
of old who claimed legitimacy under divine right theory.
Yet your letter never once refers to multi-billion dollar
corporations such as Exxon, Philip Morris, General Electric,
Union Carbide, Weyerhaueser, WMX Technologies (Waste
Management).
You write of lobbies, special interests, polluters and
radical property rights advocates. But the work of these
lobbies, polluters and radical advocates -- in Congress and
in our communities -- is the work of corporations that
manipulate assets beyond our imaginations while hiding
behind limited liability, perpetual existence, and our Bill
of Rights.
To a large extent, corporations have been given these legal
rights and privileges not by our elected representatives,
but by appointed judges. This did not happen by accident:
Corporate leaders funded scores of research, propaganda, and
lobbying organizations (using pre-tax dollars, which means
that corporate lobbying and propagandizing are subsidized by
us). You know the list: the U.S. and state chambers of
commerce, the National Association of Manufacturers, the
Chemical Manufacturers Association, The Competitive
Enterprise Institute.... With "Wise Use" groups, and the
help of foundations such as Olin, Scaife, Bradley and Smith
Richardson, along with legal think tanks, corporate
executives violate elections, buy and sell our legislators,
and intimidate citizens.
We believe that it is too late to counter corporate power
environmental-law-by-environmental-law,
regulatory-struggle-by- regulatory struggle. We don't have
sufficient time or resources to organize
chemical-by-chemical, forest-by-forest, river-by- river,
permit-by-permit, technology-by-technology, product-by-
product, corporate disaster-by-corporate disaster.
But if we curb or cut off corporate power at its source, all
our work will become easier.
One major source of corporate power goes back to 1886, when
the U.S. Supreme Court decreed that corporations are persons
under the law. This legal doctrine of corporate personhood
guarantees constitutional free speech and other protection
to corporations, thereby preventing our elected legislatures
from limiting corporation interference in elections and
lawmaking, in our courts, and in policy debates. Other
court-made legal doctrines give corporate leaders legal
authority to make private decisions on very public issues:
energy, chemical and transportation investments, product
choices, forest and mineral use, technology development,
etc.
How would restricting corporations' constitutional
protection enable us to stop corporate-led environmental
destruction? Look at takings, for example.
When government wants to use an individual's property for a
park, or for a sewage treatment plant, that individual has
every right to petition for redress, for "due process of
law." But corporate leaders claim this constitutional right
of redress for their corporations, arguing that laws and
regulations to protect public health and the environment, to
protect workers' rights, are takings "without due process."
They can do this so effectively because a century ago,
corporate leaders convinced courts to transform our laws.
Ever since, wielding property rights through laws backed by
our government has been an effective, reliable strategy to
build and sustain corporate mastery.
So it is understandable that many people today believe we
have no choice but to concede property (such as takings),
free speech and other rights to corporations, and to
continue addressing corporate harms one-by-one.
We disagree: we believe we have a social and political
responsibility to reject concocted constitutional doctrines
which enable undemocratic corporate dominion.
We support without reservation people's rights for redress
against government takings, and peoples's protection against
tyranny as provided in our Bill of Rights. But we do not
believe corporations share such rights with flesh-and-blood
people.
We have no illusions that reclaiming people's rights from
the fictions which are corporations will be easy: as Supreme
Court Justice Felix Frankfurter observed, "The history of
constitutional law is the history of the impact of the
modern corporation upon the American scene."
But what's our alternative? The REAL takings going on today
are corporate takings -- of our lives, liberties and
pursuits of happiness, and of other species -- without due
process of law.
The REAL takings today are planned and executed by corporate
executives who are protected by the legal shields which are
giant corporations, and who are showered with honors by our
corporation-controlled culture.
Corporate tactics such as takings, risk assessment, unfunded
mandates -- at a time of escalating grassroots opposition to
NAFTA, GATT and to corporate investments around the globe --
provide opportunities for your organizations to go on the
offensive. You can educate your members that the authority
to define corporations still rests with the people.
You can help us change the legal doctrines and laws which
give corporations overwhelming advantage over people,
communities and nature. Together, we can get the giant
corporation out of our elections, out of our legislatures,
out of our judges' chambers, out of our communities, and off
our backs.
But if you do not write and talk about today's large
corporation; if you do not educate and mobilize your members
as you know how to do, our legislatures will face crisis
after crisis like the one you described in your letter.
Corporate leaders will strengthen their grip on the law and
escalate their takings across the Earth.
Together, we can end the nation's long silence about
corporate power and manipulation. We can work together to
save our democracy in order to save our communities and our
natural environment.
We want to meet with you to plan strategies for confronting
corporations.
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Jim Ace
Frank T. Adams
Larry Agran, Esq.
Anacostia/Rock Creek Earth First!
Diana Anderson
Eric Antebi
Auto-Free, D.C. #
Elizabeth L. and Quinn A. Baley
Betty and Gary Ball, Board of Directors
Joseph Barisonzi
Harriet Barlow
Chris Bedford, Chair
Ed Begley, Jr.
Mavis Belisle
Mike Belliveau
D.W. Bennett
Harry Berggren
Nick Berigan
Jim Berry
Thomas Berry
John Blair, President
Elizabeth Bos
Robert Bottom
David Briars
David Brower, President
Edmund G. Brown, Jr., Chair
Jerry Brown, President
Pat Bryant, Executive Director
Peter Buckley
Wally Burnstein, President
Beth Burrows, President
Mary Jane Butters
Cancer Prevention Coalition #
Amy Clipp
Liane Clorfene-Casten, Chair
Michael Colby, Executive Director
Will Collette
Barry Commoner, Director
Paul and Ellen Connett, Co-editors
Pat Costner
Charlie Cray
Joseph E. Cummins
Ronnie Cummins, Director
Robert Reynolds Cushing III
A. Winton Dahlstrom, President
Carol Dansereau, Director
John Davis, Editor
David Dembo
Peggy Douglas, Associate Professor
George Draffan, Director
Antoinette Dwinga
Frank Eadie
Eco-Action #
Editorial Staff
William N. Ellis, Executive Director
Rick Engler, Vice-President
Robert Engler
Dr. Samuel Epstein
Mike Ferner
W.H. and Carol Ferry
Dennis Fox
William A. Fontenot
Theresa Freeman
Tracy Frisch, Coordinator
Carl Gandola, MD
Ken Geiser
Dr. Robert Ginsburg, Research Director
Tom Goldtooth
Kathy Grandfield
Gary Grant, Executive Director
Michael Gregory
Richard Grossman
Hal Hamilton
James Hansen, Environmental Director
Nan Hardin
Greg Helms
Diane Heminway
Dave Henson
Hal Hinderliter
David Hunter
Robert Inerfeld
Dr. Olin Ivey, Executive Director
Dick Kamp
Peter Kellman
Linda King
Marie Kocoshis, Board Member
Charles Komanoff
Nina Laboy
John LaRouche
Robert and Ethel Levy
Sanford Lewis, Director
Susan Lieber
Thomas Linzey, Founder
Jan Lundberg
Karen Lynne
Lauri Maddy, Founder
Darryl Malek-Wiley
Jerry Mander
Phyllis Marberger, Executive Director
Steve Marsden, Executive Director
Steve Martinot
Linda M. Masse
Philip Mattera, Research Director
Eileen McIlvane
Jeff Melton
Chad and Christie Miano
Craig Miano
Linda Moneyhun Miano
Steve Midkiff, Union Organizer/Pipefitter
Peter Montague, Director
Richard Moore
Ward Morehouse
Susan Moreland
Daniel Moses
Kary Moss, Executive Director
Robert Mueller
Penny Newman
Paddlewheel Alliance #
Tony Palmeri
John Passacantando, Executive Director
Chris and Tonia Pelton
Karen Pickett
Brenda Platt
Anne L. Potter, Ph.D.
John A. Redfield
John Rensenbrink
Mark Ritchie, President
Joan Robinett
Christina Roessler
Larry and Sharon Rose
Rhys Roth
James Sackor
W.E. Sanders
Jean Schweibish
Pete Seeger
Neil Seldman
Jim Sessions, Director
Janette Sherman, M.D.
Michael Shuman
Gar Smith, Editor
Jeff Smith
Jeremy Smithson
Allen Spalt
Cameron Spitzer, Member
Jennifer and Edmund A. Stanley, Jr.
Dean Steede
Janet Strahosky
Karlyn Sturmer, Executive Director
Tom Swan
Terri Swearingen
Meg Switzgable and Thomas Brown
Bron Taylor
Brian Tokar
Doug Tompkins
Connie Tucker
Karen Tuerk
Mary Tutwiler
Leif Utne
Alis Valencia, Editor
Susan and Ivan Varlamoff
Stephen Viederman
Jim Warren, Executive Director
Betsy Wegner
Belinda West
Bill Willers, Executive Director
Craig Williams
Diane Wilson
Jeffrey Wilson
Larry and Shelia Wilson
Matt Wilson, Director
Hazel Wolf, Secretary
Cindy Zipf
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